“The 20-year war in Afghanistan was — for the results that we have achieved — not worth the cost,” Karl Eikenberry, each a commander in Afghanistan from 2005 to 2007 and ambassador to the nation from 2009 to 2011, tells CNN’s Jake Tapper in a two-hour documentary that airs Sunday.
In “America’s Longest War: What Went Wrong in Afghanistan,” Tapper conducts in-depth interviews with eight US commanders who led the battle effort over 20 years and 4 administrations, and who communicate with new candor about selections made by their commanders-in-chief that they consider undermined the battle effort and may need prevented its success.
In the interviews with the previous army leaders and others, Tapper examines the mission and the missteps, how political selections harm the power of service members to succeed, whether or not the Pentagon misrepresented the Afghan army’s talents to the general public, and the way after 20 years of sacrifice, the US withdrawal resulted within the return to energy by the Taliban in August.
After almost 20 years and greater than $2 trillion in US taxpayer funds, after the deaths of greater than 6,000 Americans and 100,000 Afghans, the bipartisan debacle that was the battle in Afghanistan ended very similar to it started, leaving Americans — particularly these instantly concerned within the battle — struggling to grasp the way it all fell aside.
No longer in uniform, Gens. Stanley McChrystal, David Petraeus, Joseph Dunford, John Allen, David McKiernan, Dan McNeill, and Lt. Gens. Eikenberry and David Barno, communicate frankly.
Resentment, frustration, remorse
They describe their resentment about the best way politicians scaled again assets for Afghanistan to gas the battle in Iraq, their frustrations about squandered alternatives and their regrets. They query long-celebrated methods and — in a preview of the painful nationwide reckoning about Afghanistan that’s solely simply starting — grapple with whether or not the mission was value the fee.
“My first impulse is to say, yes, it was worth it, but I no longer am certain of that,” retired four-star normal McNeill, who led coalition forces in Afghanistan from 2002 to 2003 after which US troops from 2007 to 2008, says. “Before I go to my grave, I hope to have that question answered.”
Eikenberry observes, “There really was no clear political end state. That leads to deep questions. Was it worth it? What was it all about?”
Dunford says he believes the US completed its mission “to prevent al Qaeda from attacking the United States, to prevent Afghanistan from being a sanctuary and also mitigate the risk of mass migration.”
He provides, nonetheless, “We shouldn’t confuse the outcome with saying that we did that at an appropriate level of investment.” He would have favored to see “fewer young men and women having lost their lives, families suffering, casualties, there’s no question about it. But at the end of the day, I’m not willing to say it wasn’t worth it.”
The documentary additionally options veterans of the battle — the tiny share of Americans who’ve shouldered the dangers and sacrifices to execute the mission in Afghanistan — who share their anger about being skilled to battle however then requested to nation-build, concerning the disconnect between political messaging out of Washington and realities on the bottom, and most searingly, concerning the lack of so many comrades-in-arms, each on the battlefield and to suicide.
Diplomats and journalists who intently adopted the battle’s fortunes underscore rampant corruption in Afghanistan and Trump administration strikes that strengthened the Taliban. They additionally level to politicians who “just couldn’t bring themselves to tell the truth,” and provides the American folks a transparent image of what was actually occurring half a world away.
‘We did not perceive’
The errors started earlier than the US even entered Afghanistan, the commanders say.
“We didn’t understand the problem,” says McChrystal, who led worldwide forces from 2009 to 2010. “The complexities of the environment, I think, weren’t appreciated. We went for what we thought would work quickly over what would have likely worked over the longer term.”
McChrystal argues that in hindsight, proper after the September 11, 2001, assaults that triggered the invasion of Afghanistan, the US ought to have held its hearth — “no bombing, no strikes” — although he acknowledges that will have been nearly unattainable. Instead, he would have spent a yr constructing a coalition to counter al Qaeda and coaching Americans in Arabic, Pashto, Urdu and Dari languages “to get ourselves ready to do something that we knew would be very, very difficult.”
McChrystal factors out that nobody was considering in the long run, both. “I don’t think we sat around a table, ever, and talked about where’s this going to be in 20 years.”
That could also be as a result of in a short time, President George W. Bush and his administration switched their focus to a brand new, elective battle in oil-rich Iraq — so intensely that in October 2002, Bush did not even know who his commander in Afghanistan was.
The commanders counsel that shift to Iraq redirected personnel and gear away from Afghanistan that might have saved lives and doubtlessly modified the result of the battle.
“I personally resented the war in Iraq,” Barno, the senior US commander in Afghanistan for 19 months over 2003 to 2005, says.
“Much of our strategic attention and much of our strategic capacity was diverted into Iraq, to the detriment of the war,” Allen says.
Since most of the army’s helicopters have been despatched to Iraqi entrance strains, fight outposts in japanese Afghanistan have been positioned on the backside of valleys to make for simpler resupply. That additionally left troops susceptible — surrounded by armed militants within the mountains above them.
McNeill, the commander Bush did not know in 2002, recollects assembly the President on the White House in 2007, throughout his second tour as a commander in Afghanistan. “‘Tell me exactly what you need’,” McNeill remembers Bush saying, earlier than including a caveat: ” ‘You’re not going to get it, because I got to take care of this Iraq thing’.”
McKiernan recollects that in the summertime of 2009, troops in Afghanistan have been going through a horrible drawback with improvised explosive units. They had three “route clearance companies” to clear roads. Iraq, which confronted far fewer points with IEDs and mines on the time, had some 90 route clearance firms. That did not change for eight years, till President Barack Obama ordered a surge in troops.
“What happens in that eight years?” McKiernan asks. “You have a Taliban, which has generally a safe haven in the frontier provinces and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas in Pakistan. They become resurgent. And eight years, we don’t grow fast enough and well enough [the] capabilities of the government in Afghanistan and the army. And there you are.”
‘We could not give that Afghan military a soul’
The commanders agree on Iraq. There’s much less consensus in different areas, variations that time to the difficulties forward within the nationwide dialog about what went mistaken.
Petraeus argues that counterinsurgency — a method he co-wrote a e book about — labored. “It actually did work during the period that we had the resources to do that,” he says. McKiernan disagrees. “I think in rural Afghanistan, which is most of Afghanistan, it has not worked,” he says.
McChrystal urged an enormous surge of troops that Obama authorized. Then-Vice President Joe Biden opposed the transfer. Eikenberry privately did as properly, concluding it would not resolve the issues in Afghanistan. He outlined his considering in a labeled cable to then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, beginning together with his perception that President Hamid Karzai was “not an adequate strategic partner.”
“We could provide advice,” Eikenberry says. “We could provide training support. But we couldn’t give that Afghan army a soul. Only the political leadership and people of Afghanistan could do that. And that was a failure. The Afghan government remained extraordinarily corrupt.”
Afghanistan’s former ambassador to the US, Roya Rahmani, echoes the fees about political corruption and the military’s lack of management. She additionally criticizes Trump administration steps that strengthened the Taliban — and raises the prospect of a secret deal between Trump and the militant group that may have hastened the Afghan military’s collapse.
All the previous commanders overview errors they consider the US made in Afghanistan. All look again on the toll in American blood and treasure.
McChrystal “saw good people with good intentions working hard, but I don’t think we did very well. We made a lot of mistakes that we made in prior efforts, like Vietnam and others. And I find that sad as well. We could have done better.”
McKiernan wonders aloud whether or not there have been higher methods to retaliate for September 11. He concludes that, there are “probably lots of things we could have done differently.”
McNeill is introspective. “I am doing soul searching to determine — is it fair to say I did my share of the task?” he asks. “Did I come up short in some way? What’s the duty owed to those who came home, not carrying their shields, but on their shields?”
When requested what he would say to Gold Star households or veterans who marvel if the sacrifices of Afghanistan have been value it, McNeill speaks about his delight in everybody who stepped as much as battle there or in Iraq earlier than persevering with.
“I would just simply say that for what I have failed to do, I’m sorry,” McNeill says. “I did the best I could.”
Tapper asks why he blames himself.
“The commander is responsible for what his unit does or fails to do,” McNeill solutions. “If this is a failure, then I carry my share of it.”